LETTERS From CAMP Rehoboth |
Capital Letters |
by Hastings Wyman |
Success of Millennium March Signals Changes The huge crowd at the Millennium March on Washington, despite criticism from within, demonstrated a number of important developments in the nation's gay and lesbian community and the way it does politics. First, the Millennium March's big winner was the Human Rights Campaign (HRC), whichalong with the Metropolitan Community Church were the march's big mules. HRC dominated the festivities, while rival groups sat on the sidelines. Now, hundreds of thousands of gay folk from across America see HRC as the primary vehicle of the gay rights movement just the opposite of what the march's critics want. Moreover, HRC sold out the 45,000 seats for its "Equality Rocks" concert. The march's success in the face of so much opposition is a personal tribute to HRC Executive Director Elizabeth Birch and to the march's chief organizer, Dianne Hardy-Garcia. Indeed, Hardy-Garciaan experienced gay leader in Texasbecomes a major national figure in the movement. The second big winner was Al Gore. The march was a powerful signal of gay participation in American politics and the Gores aided and abetted it. At the "Equality Rocks" concert, Tipper Gore introduced k.d. lang, and Al Gore made a video appearance at the march rally, as did President Clinton. As the march festivities wore on, stickers with "Gore" atop a pink triangle spread quickly throughout the crowd, and voter registration booths were set up in the march area. Indeed, the march's timingin the spring of an election yearturned out to be a major plus for gay America's political participation. Don't be surprised if it turns out to be a quadrennial event. The big losers of the Millennium March were the hundreds of mostly leftist activists across the country who opposed the march. The event's success without their participation showed they are not needed to create a massive gay turnout. Indeed, the march probably further marginalized the naysayers, many but not allof whom were already at odds with the increasingly "mainstream" tone of the nation's gay movement. Moreover, given the opportunities for many gay organizations to capitalize on the large crowd, don't be surprised if more of the groupsleft and rightare more enthusiastic supporters the next time there's a big march. The march's success also showed a major shift in the gay movement's demographics. With opponents creating so much hostility to the march among older lesbian and gay activists, the march's organizers targeted young people. The mall area in front of the nation's Capitol was a sea of young people. Colleges from all across the country had representation at the march. I saw banners from Beaver College, Dartmouth, Florida State, Hofstra, Johns Hopkins, Mary Baldwin, Mary-mount, Miami University of Ohio, Michigan, University of New Hampshire, the College of New Jersey, Texas A&M, Wells, and the University of West Virginia. A number of high school groups also participated, among them the Utah High School Gay and Lesbian Student Alliance. A major shift in the movement's geography was also apparent at the march. New York City, San Francisco and Los Angeles have generally been perceived as the centers of gay political power in this country, but they were not much in evidence at the Millennium March. With so many gay leaders in these cities opposed to the march, the organizers targeted other cities and towns with much success. Contingents of gay people were in evidence from Atlanta, Buffalo, Cleveland, Tucson, and others, as well as from smaller cities such as Harrisburg, Penn., Stillwater, Minn., Trenton, N.J., and White Plains, N.Y. The march proved that the old way of doing things is not the only way to do things. In the 1993 and earlier marches, local activists were the prime movers for getting marchers to Washington. Today, however, perhaps following similar trends in political campaigns, a national group such as the Millennium March Committee can reach its audience through the Internet, direct mail, and, given the march committee's financial resources, full-page advertisements in the gay press. Thus, though many activists were uncooperative, march organizers bypassed them and went directly to gay people across the U.S. Finally, the success also demonstrates that a message more clearly identified with mainstream gay interestshate crimes laws, same-sex marriage, employment rights, gays in the military and not with a plethora of causes dear to the hearts of only some gay people, has broad appeal within the community. Despite some politically correct rhetoric from the podium, this march was about the concerns of gay men, lesbians, bisexuals and transgendered folk, not about such issues as the World Trade Organization, which get addressed in other venues. Moreover, march organizers put together a program that could be broadcast into the homes of middle America, mostly avoiding the sexually explicit material that made the '93 march program problematic for thosesuch as gay and gay-friendly politicianswho depend on the support of straight voters. Money, Money, Money... In politics, money isn't everything, but it isn't much of a stretch to say it's way ahead of whatever is in second place. This year, there are eight openly gay candidates running for federal office three incumbents and five challengers. The size of the gay candidates' campaign treasuries varies. The Federal Election Commission's first-quarter campaign finance reports are in, and here's how the candidates are faring in the money chase: Flanagan: Vermont Auditor Ed Flanagan, a Democrat who hopes to become the first openly gay U.S. senator this fall, is doing a great job amassing a campaign war chest. Flanagan, who has been endorsed by the Gay and Lesbian Victory Fund, raised some $170,000 for his campaign in the first three months of this year and has a total of $441,000 on hand. His primary opponent, state Sen. Jan Backus, took in $64,000 in the first quarter, for a total of $101,000. Score one for Flanagan. However, for the November election, incumbent Jim Jeffords, a gay-friendly Republican, is in the best shape. Jeffords raised $256,000 in the first quarter, for a grand total of $961,000. A recent poll gave Jeffords a strong lead, 63 percent to Flanagan's 24 percent. However, in the same survey, Gore had a 46 percent to 35 percent vote over Bush in the Green Mountain State, and that could give Flanagan a boost. Baldwin: Congresswoman Tammy Baldwin, Democrat from Wisconsin, has an impressive $565,000 in the bank to ward off defeat at her most vulnerable timewhen she's still a freshman. Her opponent, Republican Professor John Sharpless, has only $136,000 on hand, a good omen for Baldwin. Kolbe: Arizona Republican Congressman Jim Kolbe has $281,000 on hand, not as much as he might need if he faces a strong Democratic challenge this fall. Two local pols will vie in a September 12 primary for the Democratic challenger role: County Attorney Mary Ryan has $78,000 on hand, and State Sen. George Cunningham has $58,000. That's not a lot for either one. If polls show the Democratic nominee is giving Kolbe a close racehe got only 52 percent last electionmore money will show up on both sides. Frank: Massachusetts Democratic Congressman Barney Frank has $110,000not a pot-load by today's standards. On the other hand, the filing deadline is June 6and Frank still has no opponent. Schipske: In California's 38th District, which includes Long Beach, lesbian Gerrie Schipske, a nurse and community activist, won the Democratic primary, but she's got a long way to go if she's going to mount a first-class campaign in the general election. With the expenses of the primary campaign behind her, Schipske has $11,000 on handand a debt of $45,000. By contrast, her opponent, moderate Republican Congressman Steve Horn, has $333,000. Strouse: In Pennsylvania's 8th Districtgay-friendly Bucks Countygay Democrat Ron Strouse has only $14,000 in the kitty. However, incumbent Republican Jim Greenwood had to spend money in his contested primary, so he doesn't have much more$27,000. Oden: Democrat Congressional challenger Ron Oden, a gay Palm Springs council member, has only $3,300 on handplus a debt of $11,400 from his primary campaign. His well-known Republican incumbent, Mary Bono, stepmother of Chastity, has $138,000 on hand and is a solid favorite. Farley: Democrat Joel Farley, a former congressional staffer, is a long shot for New Jersey's 7th District seat, which is being vacated by U.S. Rep. Bob Franks, a Republican. First, Farley faces formidable odds in the Democratic primaryhe's got $23,000 in his war chest, compared to $396,000 for frontrunner Michael Lapolla. In November, the GOP's Tom Kean Jr., whose father was a popular governor, will be a strong contender. Hastings Wyman publishes Southern Political Report, a nonpartisan biweekly political newsletter. He can be reached care of this publication or at HWymanSPR@aol.com. For more Capital Letters, visit www.planetout.com. |
LETTERS From CAMP Rehoboth, Vol. 10, No. 4, May 5, 2000. |